Friday, 3 February 2017

Politics at Friday lunch: Prepare yourself for disaster

"The United States is responsible for the United States' policy on refugees" - Theresa May
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Theresa May was probably feeling pretty buoyant when she got on the plane from Turkey to London. She'd managed to secure her alliance with the new US president and kept alive her hopes of a politically-convenient US trade deal, while simultaneously issuing sufficient criticism to protect her from critics of Donald Trump back home. When she got on the plane, her trip appeared a success.

By the time it touched down in London late on Saturday evening, things had changed. Trump's order of a Muslim ban at US airports was causing escalating panic and outrage. Suddenly it seemed to apply not just to the citizens of the seven countries he'd picked, but also dual passport holders and possibly even anyone born in those countries, regardless of passport. That, of course, included British citizens.

Suddenly May's repeated 'US foreign policy is for the US' mantra looked cowardly and slow-witted. Her team went into panic mode, issuing a slightly tougher statement around midnight on Saturday night. You should treat Downing Street statements like phone calls: if they come in the dead of night, it means something is wrong.

The early part of the week was a test study in how May's team responds to a political crisis. It is their first big crisis. Given how complex and treacherous the negotiations in Brussels will be, it will not be the last, so this was a useful instruction in how they would perform.

First they said they would check to see if the ban affected Brits. Then they returned to say it didn't. Then official advice said it probably did. Then they said again it didn't. Then they blamed the invitation for a Trump state visit on the state visit committee, which may or may not exist. Then it turned out that might mean the royal visit committee, which does exist but wasn't responsible. Then they confirmed that actually the invitation had come from Downing Street. And that was just Monday. They were a shambles, protected from political bloodletting only by the even-greater shambles that is the official opposition.

On Wednesday, Jeremy Corbyn asked May about the Trump visit during PMQs. Had Trump told her he was planning this when she was speaking to him hours beforehand? What did she know and when? It seemed like for once we'd get some decent forensic questioning from the Labour leader. May had clearly prepped for it. The answer was no, he hadn't mentioned it.

Corbyn is congenitally unable to think on his feet, so the debate got away from him and May delivered a thumping. But her answer was remarkable. Just a week before, again at PMQs, she had been telling him that she could speak frankly with the US because she made sure the special relationship worked. Now here she was admitting the new president had not even bothered to tell her he was about to pass an order banning thousands of Brits from the US within hours of their meeting. Or, if the British exemption had always been planned, that it existed. For all May's fawning, Trump clearly did not respect her enough to inform her of this not-insignificant policy. And in exchange? In exchange she'd offered him the highest honour she had in her power to impart.

On every level, she had made her own life harder. And then, when the disaster struck, she proved unable to deal with it. She was so cowardly she failed to condemn the ban on its own terms, so slow-witted she couldn't see how it might affect British citizens, so eager for a trade deal she created a clear channel for British anti-Trump outrage to be directed at her, and so inept at media management that the row turned her trip into a disaster.

Then, days later, the Commons voted on the second reading of the Article 50 bill, itself a result of her being forced into consulting parliament following a defeat in the high and supreme court. On Thursday, as a result of yet another U-turn (she averages several a week) the government published a white paper on Brexit. White was the correct word for it, although blank would also do. 

It contained precious few ideas for how she would fulfill all her promises: ending free movement while keeping all the good bits of the customs union and single market membership, ending European Court of Justice jurisdiction while keeping the privileges of the system it orders, and eradicating any EU payments despite European claims that that will scupper any talks before they've even started.

That is what the next two years entail. It is a task so daunting Churchill himself would have struggled to achieve it. Given her performance over the last week, we should prepare for disaster. 

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Friday, 27 January 2017

Politics at Friday Lunch: Theresa and Donald, sitting in a tree…

"Sometimes opposites attract" - Theresa May
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It was enough to make you feel unwell. When Theresa May arrived in the US to become the first world leader to meet the new American president, she told reporters that despite their different styles, "sometimes opposites attract".

Given that Donald Trump was in the process of setting up an explicitly Islamophobic immigration system, building a border wall with Mexico, sparking a trade war, tearing up trade agreements, establishing a regular publication of so-called 'immigrant crimes', planning a mass deportation programme, instituting torture as official US policy, creating a White House run by family relations and trying to starve the UN of cash, the attraction was not necessarily welcomed on this side of the pond. And given the fact that Trump's self-professed approach to women constitutes sexual assault, it didn't seem particularly wise in terms of personal security either.

But the fear that May would be fawning and obsequious in the US appears to have been wide of the mark. The prime minister's address to Republicans in Philadelphia was a masterclass in British tent logistics. May assessed the full potential range of the opinions she might express while staying in the tent, she tracked the outside, measured up the diameters, checked the fastenings were all in place and then, in carefully coded language, she let loose. From Islam, to Nato, to the UN, to Russia, to the Iran deal, to liberalism, to free trade - she covered all the bases.

"We should always be careful to distinguish between this extreme and hateful ideology, and the peaceful religion of Islam and the hundreds of millions of its adherents," she said. "With President Putin, my advice is to 'engage but beware'... We should engage with Russia from a position of strength."

She went on: "The nuclear deal with Iran was controversial but it has neutralised the possibility of the Iranians acquiring nuclear weapons for more than a decade." Then: "We must turn towards those multinational institutions like the UN and Nato that encourage international cooperation and partnership."

The trouble with all this carefully-constructed messaging is that it's addressed to a human baboon. Will Trump understand? Does he have the mental capacity to even notice that he's being told off? If he does, does he have the emotional interest in responding to it? Most importantly of all, is there any bite behind May's discreet bark?

Because when you boil it down, May needs Trump more than Trump needs May. Sure, he could use credibility from an international leader, especially when he's being stood up by the Mexican president. And the flip side of him tearing up multilateral trade deals is that he needs to secure bilateral trade deals to show he's not just a vandal but a deal-maker. That obviously chimes perfectly with May's keen desire for a US-UK deal, in order to make it appear that Brexit can be a success.

But ultimately the needs are lopsided. It is Britain which is starting out alone in the world, cutting itself off from its largest export market. And May might stop to ponder why Trump prefers bilateral rather than multilateral deals. It's because one country is easier to boss around. Groups of countries find it easier to stand up the US.

What kinds of things do they need to stand up against? Certainly not tariffs, which are of little consequence really at this level. It's standards and regulations. US negotiators will want reduced controls on drug prices - something which will exacerbate, possibly to existential levels, the NHS crisis. They want reduced consumer protections around chemicals. They want lower data protection standards. They want radically reduced animal welfare and consumer protection laws around food, so that hormone-injected beef and chlorine-washed chicken can be sold in the UK.

And that's just for starters. After all, these are the types of demands the US made in deals which Trump considers insufficiently in America's interest. What he'd demand from a desperate UK eagerly demanding a US trade deal may be too awful to contemplate.

If anything protects Britain from this eventuality, it is time. It can't do formal negotiations while still an EU member, so that takes us to 2019. But even once Brexit happens, it will be impossible to have meaningful talks with the UK about trade until we know what kind of access it has to the half a billion consumers in the single market and that - a period which comes under May's purposefully misnamed 'implementation' stage - might not be sorted until 2025.

May and Trump will emerge today brandishing promises of a trade deal in the near future. But this is mostly PR. The reality is that talks won't start for some time and that when they do start, they'll take a good long while.

If they don't take a while, it's because Britain capitulated in every area. And that should make you feel much more unwell than May's flirtatious rhetoric.

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Friday, 20 January 2017

Politics at Friday Lunch: Britain’s double-think prime minister

"Britain must face up to a period of momentous change" - Theresa May
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One week, two speeches, both of them completely contradicted by the reality of what the prime minister is actually doing.

Theresa May issued her long-awaited Brexit plan speech in Lancaster House on Tuesday and then cut-and-pasted bits of it with some new sections for business leaders in Davos on Thursday. The speeches weren't particularly good, her ideas weren't particularly new and her delivery was not particularly impressive. But their central problem was that they are directly undermined by her own policies.

"We are all united in our belief that that world will be built on the foundations of free trade, partnership and globalisation," she said in Davos. This was a remarkable thing to say, given that just days earlier she had announced she was pulling Britain out of the European single market and customs union, which eliminate tariffs for goods across borders, standardises regulation so products can be traded more easily and in many cases allow people to sell their services overseas without new qualifications.

She then demanded that her well-heeled business audience show more social commitment and care for their communities. "We must heed the underlying feeling that there are some companies, particularly those with a global reach, who are playing by a different set of rules to ordinary, working people," she said. You'd never have known that this was the same prime minister who just two days earlier had been threatening to turn Britain into a tax haven if Europe didn't give her the deal she wanted. Now that might mostly involve lowering corporate taxes - itself rather against her line of argument - but it would also involve hammering down environmental, social and labour regulations. If she follows up on her plan for a trade deal with Donald Trump, it'll very likely involve a secretive investor dispute court, where firms can claim taxpayer money for government policy, as was found in the US-EU trade agreement. So which is the real Theresa May? The tax haven one aiming to secure a quick and dirty deal with Trump? Or the corporate social responsibility one?

She praised the European Union and demanded that it "should succeed", while executing a policy which fundamentally weakened and destabilised it during a time of crisis. She outlined a belief in a "global Britain", while pulling the UK out of EU free trade agreements with 63 countries.

She praised Britain's racial diversity and multiculturalism, while pursuing a hard Brexit strategy designed to placate Ukip and the right-wing fringe of her own party. She said she wanted to "strengthen the precious union between the four nations of the United Kingdom", while ignoring the will of the people of Scotland and Northern Ireland and pursuing the exact type of Brexit they had specifically said was intolerable. She said "the country is coming together" while offering those who voted Remain nothing and pursuing an extreme interpretation of a marginal referendum victory.

This was all classic double-think: What she did was in direct opposition to what she said. And yet the press bought it. They were somehow able to hold two completely contradictory thoughts in their head at once and not even notice.

When she was done with that, she simply started making stuff up. "In Britain," she told Davos business leaders, "we have embarked on an ambitious programme of economic and social reform that aims to ensure that, as we build this Global Britain, we are able to take people with us."

Eh? Which ambitious programme was that? Which bill does it relate to? Which policies? There was the proposal for workers on boards, of course, although May quietly dropped that after complaints from businesses. Now there's… promises. Of something in the future. The media report May's commitment to intervening in the economy uncritically, but there is literally nothing to show for it - not one intervention, not one policy, not one piece of legislation.

It almost makes you yearn for the days of New Labour, or the Coalition, or even the pre-Brexit Tory party. They would pretend that their policies were much more daring and radical than they were. They would pledge to end poverty or inequality and then unveil a bill with some modest proposal in it. But at least there was a bill there to unveil. At least they had to good grace to pretend to be doing something. May simply talks about programmes which do not exist.

Those are your two choices with the prime minister: rhetoric which is directly opposed to policy, or rhetoric for policies which do not exist. Of the two options, the latter is preferable.

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