Friday 23 February 2018

Politics at Friday lunch: The Yarl's Wood hunger strike the media ignored

"We are not your guests, we are your captives whom you choose when to detain and when to release and when to deport" - Yarl's Wood detainee
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This week more than 100 women in Yarl's Wood detention centre went on hunger strike to protest against their treatment at the hands of the Home Office. It comes as the shadow home secretary Diane Abbott visits the facility today after a year of requesting access.

Research carried out by Women for http://www.refugeewomen.co.uk/2016/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/We-are-still-here-report-WEB.pdfRefugee Women revealed that 85% of Yarl's Wood detainees interviewed by the organisation said they were survivors of sexual or other gender-based violence. It is extraordinary that women who've already experienced such appalling treatment are then being locked up by the government. If this was happening under Donald Trump in America, there would be outrage, it would make international news. Instead it's happening in the Bedfordshire countryside and we look the other way.

Last night, former immigration minister Brandon Lewis was challenged about this on Question Time by the journalist Ash Sarkar. His response was to suggest that only "illegal" migrants are detained by the government.

"It's important to be very clear about the facts," he began, before being very unclear on the facts himself.

"The people in detention centres are people who are illegally in this country and are there for a period of time until they go back to their own country."

Sarkar told him that asylum seekers have been detained while their cases are still being reviewed.

"They are people who have escaped conflict, escaped torture, escaped sexual violence and we continue to lock them up. Do you think that's a just policy?" She asked.

If he'd simply misspoken in his earlier statement he now had the chance to correct himself. Instead he repeated the same false claim.

"What you've just said is wrong," he said. "Detention centres are for people who are being removed from the country or are going back to their own country who are in the country illegally. Asylum seekers go through a different process."

Very little of what Lewis said in this exchange is accurate. Let's start with the idea that people are only detained for a period of time before being returned to their own country. According to a report by the Inspector of Prisons around 70% of the women detained at Yarl's Wood are later released back into the community - so not returned. This raises important questions about why they were detained in the first place.

Contrary to Lewis' assertions, Sarkar was right to suggest that asylum seekers are detained while their case is being reviewed. In the same report by the Inspector of Prisons it says:

"There were unacceptable delays in progressing cases, including deciding asylum claims."

As a former immigration minister you'd think he would know all this.

'Voke', who has survived trafficking and forced prostitution, was held at Yarl's Wood for eight months in 2017 and says she tried to kill herself while she was in detention.

"It was such a relief to get out of there," she says, "But I don't understand why they had to put me through it at all. I hope I will start to feel better soon, but I will never forget being detained. I will never forget Yarl's Wood."

This is the reality of how the government is treating vulnerable women. They are now fighting back in one of the most difficult ways imaginable. It's shameful that they have to.

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Friday 16 February 2018

Politics at Friday lunch: Oxfam could be charity world's MP expenses scandal

"What happened in Haiti and afterwards is a stain on Oxfam that will shame us for years, and rightly so" - Winnie Byanyima
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There's a danger to experiencing a news crisis during parliamentary recess. Paradoxically, scandals can be more damaging during these breaks, when the main bulk of the news agenda is not present. There is little else going on to distract readers, journalists or social media. The news vacuum leaves plenty of people with plenty of time and energy to focus on you.

That's one of the dangers Oxfam faced this week, as a scandal broke over its staffs' use of sex workers. Whatever the organisation did, it could not seem to get out in front of the story. It started to haemorrhage donors. Celebrities like Minnie Driver disassociated themselves. Several corporate partners started to go the same way.

Each day has brought fresh revelations, but also hinted at a broader sectoral problem. Questions were asked about whether other charities had learned of intolerable behaviour from their staff and hushed it up. Why had the Charity Commission not asked for further information when it was first alerted to allegations of misconduct in Haiti in 2011?

As the story rumbled on through the week, Andrew MacLeod, a former UN worker who has been highly critical of his former employer, estimated that UN staff had raped 60,000 people. When asked about it, he struggled to make the number look credible, admitting that he'd taken the 311 cases of sexual abuse by UN workers in 2016, doubled it, and then multiplied it by ten, because only about ten per cent of rape cases are reported. But regardless of its veracity, the figure was very widely reported.

Analysts started to outline a form a reasoning that is uniquely dangerous for the charity world - that, like the priesthood, aid work is a particularly tempting area for paedophiles, who could be dropped off in areas with tenuous state control, where children have often been isolated from their community or family. There's no data to back this up, but it sounds sufficiently intuitive to get traction.

You could feel the story bursting at the seams of its Oxfam straightjacket and trying to become one which was sector-wide, a broader indictment of charities having generally lost their way. That's partly because there is a small army of journalists out there intent on taking on the charity sector. The Express and Mail have been obsessed for years. But that does not make it a right-wing initiative alone. Many others on the progressive left are uncomfortable with the way the sector operates.

And there have been plenty of reasons to do so. Many charitable organisations, like Oxfam, grew so big they essentially became akin to corporate giants. They started obsessing over their reputation, which can be a prologue to hushing up that which might damage it. They began paying out eyebrow-raising sums for chief execs. Mostly they could justify these sums by stressing that they wanted the best people for important missions, but that would have made little sense to many of their donors, on low incomes, who had given some of their hard-earned income on a charitable instinct, only to find that the money was funding a salary they would never come close to achieving themselves.

The government guarantee of 0.7% of GDP on aid spending, which functions as a litmus test of the Conservatives' moral responsibility in an age of austerity, also creates perverse incentives. It reverses the process by which a government department has to justify its spending on a project. The incentive now is to find things to spend the money on. Once that happens, it won't be long before some dubious projects get funding. And not long after that before the small army of journalists tasked with undermining the charity sector get hold of the story.

Despite all this, there is little firm evidence that the charity sector is a pit of corruption and financial self-interest, operating amid a culture of sexual abuse. And it is certainly the case that most opponents of aid spending in the press are motivated more by a visceral dislike of UK money going abroad than they are legitimate concerns about how it is spent. The problems are being stoked beyond the availability of the data to create an impression of something which we cannot yet reasonably conclude.

But the charity sector should look closely at what is happening here. This could be to them what the expenses scandal was to parliament, or phone-hacking to the press, or the financial crisis to the banks: a totemic moment in which public trust is undermined. The consequences of that are very severe. It could create a situation where the next tsunami or earthquake is not met with the type of outpouring of generosity which we're used to.

The public anger towards the political class is not restricted to MPs. It encompasses a much larger, nebulous group, from think tanks, to journalists, to lobbyists, to bankers. Charities are increasingly seen as part of that, not least because they have often adopted many of the same techniques and mannerisms. They live in the same bubble and use the same language. If it isn't this scandal that blows apart public trust in the sector, it'll be the next one.

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Friday 9 February 2018

Politics at Friday lunch: Soros attack is the logical end-point of Brexit paranoia

"George Soros has all the right enemies" - Andrew Adonis
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In one sense, the ferocious focus on George Soros in the British press this week felt alien. The right's obsession with the liberal financier is more common overseas, particularly in the proto-fascist governments of Poland and Hungary and among Trump supporters in the US. It is the preserve of the deranged and the degenerate.

It rarely cuts much ice over here, but that changed this week when the Telegraph broke the most underwhelming scoop of the year. Remain groups, it emerged, want to remain in the EU. They have hatched a secret plot so devious it involves nationwide advertising campaigns and large-scale concerts.

The paper reported - legitimately - that Soros was donating to Best for Britain, one of the anti-Brexit groups. But then it went firmly into the world of not-legitimate-at-all by presenting it as an undercover scheme. It seemed to uncritically repeat propaganda pushed by the Kremlin and authoritarian eastern European governments.

It was genuinely surprising to see a newspaper which used to be held in very high regard even by those who did not share its sympathies stoop so terribly low. But in a sense it wasn't surprising at all. The idea of an international elite secretly trying to thwart the people's will is core to the Brexit narrative.

It was there right at the start, with the Leave campaign's canny emphasis on the establishment credentials of Remain. It was there in Theresa May's attack on the "citizens of nowhere" - akin to the Soviet anti-semitic trope of "rootless cosmopolitans" - and the eagerly adopted binary opposition between the 'anywheres' and the 'somewheres', which strongly suggests a lack of loyalty to the nation state. It was there in the Mail's attack on judges as "enemies of the people" for demanding the kind of parliamentary sovereignty they supposedly campaigned for during the Brexit referendum. It is there is the constant background thrum of accusations about the 'people's will' - as if all the nation voted one way, or all Leavers had identical visions of how they wanted Brexit to proceed.

It's unlikely that any of the people involved in the Telegraph story, or any other paper's coverage, are anti-semites. That's not the point. The point is that they are straying, probably inadvertently, into the world of anti-semitic tropes. When that happens, there should be two responses. The first is to hold the line, firmly, in case things deteriorate further. The second is to ask why this kind of area is being strayed into in the first place.

The truth is that those old tropes, which were weaponised by Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union and are borrowed now by eastern European fascists, are just extreme versions of a kind of rhetoric which is already very popular in the Brexit press. It's the rhetoric of a secretive elite, disconnected from the nation state, operating against the will of the people. It's not so much that a new bout of anti-semitism has burst out in British politics. It's that anti-semitic tropes fit so easily into the existing narrative.

We are now in the danger area. Britain has entered a period in which the reality of Brexit becomes clear. This week's release of regional Brexit damage assessments from the government showed just how punishing the effect of a hard Brexit would be on many of the poorer communities which voted Leave. Even before that takes place, Theresa May is now boxed in by a European team enjoying the strategic advantages she herself offered them by triggering Article 50 before she was ready. It is an ugly spectacle to behold, for any Brit who takes pride in their country and its status in the world.

This could all translate into a victory for Remainers and other liberals, who pointed out the ruinous quality of the project ahead of time. Or it could create the material and political conditions for a form of right-wing populism which we have not previously seen in this country. The stakes of Brexit are much higher than just our departure from the European Union.

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