Friday 24 February 2017

Politics at Friday lunch: Will the last person in Corbyn's office turn out the lights?

"Copeland is obviously very disappointing. I hoped we'd have won the election there" - Jeremy Corbyn
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Who will Jeremy Corbyn's team blame now? They can't blame the Blairites. The moderate wing of the Labour party stopped agitating against the leader when Owen Smith was defeated. They can't really blame the media because the media too has gotten bored of Corbyn not doing anything. A news feature based on him would be like watching a nature programme about lions napping. There is no action shot, no adventure. The truth is no-one really cares what Labour does anymore. It's the worst kind of insult.

Who is left to blame? Last night Labour lost to the Conservatives in Copeland. It wasn't narrow either. They got a proper spanking – down five points, with the Tories up eight. The Lib Dem vote was up four, while Ukip fell by nine. It's tempting to put together a Brexit-flavoured explanation for that – Ukip to Tories, Labour to Lib Dems – but there were plenty of other things going on, including the crucial nuclear issue. Regardless, the result suggests that current opinion polls – themselves unspeakably bad for the opposition – might still be underestimating Tory support, as they did in 2015.

Do not underestimate the extent of this loss. Labour lost against the governing party. In a by-election. Yes, the Tories replaced their leader so they are enjoying a brief upswing in popularity, as Gordon Brown did  - although for far less time – and John Major before him. But regardless, a meat-and-potatoes opposition heading for defeat would still expect a healthy swing in its favour during a byelection. Corbyn lost votes . Labour figures now call Copeland a marginal. So a safe Labour seat for eight decades is now a marginal. That's where we are.

Who can they blame? John McDonnell blamed Tony Blair for his speech on Brexit last week. Corbyn himself blamed "the political establishment". It is not a convincing analysis. People rejecting the political establishment generally do not vote for the governing Tory party.

The truth is there is no-one else to blame. Their internal opponents have left them to it. The media have left them to it. Even the Tories have started ignoring them, since Labour promised away their ability to delay the Article 50 bill. This is Corbyn's failure and he owns it, completely.

So what happens now? The so-called Labour moderates have not just been silenced by the Owen Smith contest. They are also petrified by Brexit and the witch hunt against anyone who tries to 'thwart the will of the people'. Theresa May's steely gaze in the Lords this week, as peers debated amendments to the Article 50 bill, looks upon MPs as well, daring them to stand up and oppose her plans and be branded traitors to the country by her cabal of rabid newspaper supporters and parliamentarians. The only thing that unites the right and left of the Labour party is terror over Brexit and Brexit is the only political subject which matters.

There are quite a few people out there – some of them relatively influential – who want Labour to split and are prepared to dedicate money and time to making it happen. Some see it as a necessary precursor to a general realignment in British politics towards a new open/closed binary opposition. Under this theory, a Labour split might precipitate a Tory split later on in negotiations, if the economic side of things looks particularly dire.

That's still possible but intuitively it feels like if the Labour party was ever going to split it would have done so last autumn. Most MPs are too cautious for that sort of big decision. It can leave you out in the cold, friendless in parliament, foolish in the media and lost in your constituency.

And anyway most Labour MPs remain tied to the Brexit mast as the ship careers towards the storm. Corbyn's opponents in the PLP have no better ideas about how to deal with the party's predicament than their leader. You only need to see the unimaginative nature of interventions by people like Stephen Kinnock and Dan Jarvis to recognise that. They pursue a strategy for the one third of Labour voters who backed Brexit, but nothing for the rest. Corbyn supplies a strategy for no-one. In that sense they would be an improvement. A third is better than nothing, but it is not the basis for a successful leadership campaign.

There's just not much going on. Corbyn offers no hope. His opponents offer no hope. Labour does not appear prepared to split or to select a new leader. Instead it is just slumped on the floor, occasionally twitching, although even that sometimes seems too much for it now. The fact it can even win a by-election in Stoke is actually impressive. It shows the resilience of the Labour brand despite the utter poverty of those who represent it in parliament.

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Friday 17 February 2017

Politics at Friday Lunch: The second coming of Tony Blair

"I don't know if we can succeed. But I do know we will suffer a rancorous verdict from future generations if we do not try." - Tony Blair
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The response to Tony Blair this morning was predictable. For the right, he was here to subvert the people's will. For the left, he was too compromised by Iraq to be able to articulate the Remain argument. The former prime minister has few friends left on either side of the political divide and the instant reaction of the media to any demand that Britain think again on Brexit is to smear and insult them. It was an unhappy and hostile arena he walked into.

But once he was on stage, it became easy to forget all that. His occasional appearances remind you of how quickly the presentational standards of British politics deteriorated after he left Downing Street. Gordon Brown was Gordon Brown and had his own demons. David Cameron always felt like a pound-shop version of Blair. Theresa May is hesitant, robotic and trades in plainly meaningless language.  

There is simply no-one like Blair in politics. Within the first two minutes he had made a clearer, more consistent, emotionally engaging argument against Brexit than any other figure had managed in the months since the vote. It was a rational argument, listing clearly and in simple language the damage that was about to be inflicted on the country. It was highly intelligent, while still perfectly comprehensible to anyone. It did not talk down to its audience, but nor did it alienate them. It used striking and readily understandable visual imagery. 

It left you in no doubt as to the speaker's position, unlike the 'constructive ambiguity' of May or the shambolic intellectual absence of Jeremy Corbyn. It did not try to sidestep difficult issues, as Cameron had on immigration during the referendum. It was the product of a speech writing team which had stress tested arguments and war gamed responses. It dealt with visions of Britain's role in the world in a way that felt credible and desirable, rather than dreamlike and self-interested. It was an excellent speech and probably his best since the Labour conference speech following September 11th attacks in 2001.

None of this is easy to say. I opposed much of what Blair did in power, including, most tragically and appallingly, on Iraq, but also on civil liberties. Many of the criticisms of him are fair. Perhaps if EU expansion had been handled more cautiously, tensions over immigration would not be so high now. Perhaps if the left had not given up on economic arguments under Blair, parts of the working class would not now be drifting off to authoritarian nationalism. Perhaps if he had not broken the bond of public trust over Iraq, people would have believed the warnings which were issued during the referendum campaign.

But these are concerns about the past, not the present. In the present, the situation is this: Expansion, left-wing intellectual failure and Iraq happened. Now Brexit is happening. We must address the threat to the left which we are seeing now, not the ones which took place decades ago.

The timetable the prime minister has set for what she is trying to do is impossible. She has promised the world but shown no signs of how she will deliver it. There is now a strong chance that talks in Europe will break down, probably sometime between spring and autumn 2018. If that happens, the cliff edge becomes real. It constitutes the biggest threat to British living standards this country has seen since the war. And what happens when that takes place? What story will people be told? That the dastardly Europeans have tried to punish us. They are already laying the groundwork for that narrative now. Those bloody Germans. They've always resented us since we beat them and now they're taking revenge. It is as stupid a story as anyone has ever told, but it will be the core emotional message of the Brexit press campaign, enthusiastically promoted by Downing Street. And what the press writes becomes part of the political mood music of the broadcasters, as if by osmosis.

Who will be telling a story to counter it? Corbyn, the human vacuum? A man who stopped thinking sometime in the 70s and hasn't noticed yet? A man content to let this process take place in the magical belief that it somehow ends in a socialist utopia? Not likely. Or one of the centrist Labour figures? The so-called moderates, who seem more concerned with proving to voters that they're tough on immigration than trying to keep in check the suicidal economic policies which stem from that promise. Not likely either. Tim Farron has done what he can for the Lib Dems but he does not have the standing or the infrastructure. The SNP speak only for Scotland. By their own agenda, they cannot represent the country.

There will only be the Brexit message – simple, emotionally compelling and spread by a well-oiled media infrastructure. 'The foreigners screwed us.'

That's why the most important job of those who do not agree with what is happening is to work towards telling an alternative story in that crucial period. It will be a story based on facts – yes, facts, they still matter, as long as they are fitted into a compelling message. It will appeal to people's irreducible concern with the money in their pocket. Even now, in the midst of this daily hysteria, people are rational about the money in their pocket and they will continue to be. That is still where political debates are won and lost.

So if not Blair, then who? There is no-one. The adults have left. The former Labour leader plainly intends to create a shadow opposition, basically undertaking the media work the official opposition has chosen not to do - the hard, daily grind of refutation and argument. Someone had to do it and they had to do it now. Blair is the one prepared to face the abuse it entails. Like it or not, he just became the most important person in British politics again.

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Sunday 12 February 2017

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Friday 10 February 2017

Politics at Friday Lunch

"When we see what unfolds hereafter as we leave the European Union I hope the consciences of other members of parliament may remain equally content." - Ken Clarke
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"History will not be kind to this parliament," Tory rebel Anna Soubry told the Commons last week during the Article 50 debate, "nor to the government I served in."

It was hard to disagree. The story of this week, as the bill went to committee stage, was of a parliament which had been given teeth by the judiciary, only to meekly remove them one-by-one and give the executive a free pass on the single most important policy of the post-war years.

Wave after wave of amendments crashed against the government rocks. None survived. The Article 50 bill was left unamended when it went to the Lords. Now unelected peers will struggle to find the confidence to take a stand on a matter which their elected cousins were unwilling to.

Every attempt to limit the executive was rejected: there would be no impact assessments, no meaningful parliamentary vote on the final deal, no formal consideration of the views of the devolved assemblies, no membership of the single market, no guarantees of rights for EU nationals, no delivery on the Leave campaign's NHS promise. Historians will look back aghast at the parliamentarians who were too petrified to fulfil their democratic function of holding the government to account.

Jeremy Corbyn's response to the crisis was a master class in ineptitude. There was almost a kind of beauty in how thoroughly he messed it up. He was at once cynical and naive, arrogant and timid. The imposition of a three-line whip was appalling. Many Labour MPs were weighing up impossible choices. They wanted to respect the public vote but many represented strongly Remain constituencies. Others had to square their support for the public vote with the fact they personally disagreed with it. Some wanted to back the bill but on condition of amendments, meaning they would vote for it at second reading then potentially against at third reading if those amendments had not succeeded.

Corbyn's three-line whip allowed for none of these subtleties. There were warm words about understanding his MPs' difficult positions but a three line whip with kind words functions the same way as a three line whip with cold ones: front benchers have to resign if they don't follow it. And so they did. Corbyn lost some early on, like Dawn Butler. Others he lost after the failure of the amendments, like Clive Lewis, who is widely expected to run for the leadership on a 'left-wing-but-not-barmy' ticket if a space opens up.

Corbyn didn't have to impose that three line whip on a matter of conscience. Doing so did little to get the bill through – most Labour MPs would have backed it anyway. It was against his own strategic interest, because it jettisoned people he could scarcely afford to lose – including a potential leadership challenger. And it was against the instincts of those members who elected him because of his proud history of principled votes against the party line. It made no sense on any level, except that of a party terrified into acquiescence on a decision which the majority of its members and voters opposed.

Much of the criticism has focused on Labour, but the silence of moderate Tories was deafening. Once upon a time there was supposed to be a rump of 40 or so MPs prepared to rebel over the single market or an unrealistic exit strategy. These were supposed to be the wise old Tories, the grey hairs who understood the Brexit mandate but wouldn't support a plan unless it had recognised the economic pitfalls of undue haste. Now they were nowhere to be seen.

Exceptions existed. Soubry was magnificent, openly and publicly struggling with the compromises she was having to make. Ken Clarke, Heidi Allen, Andrew Tyrie, Claire Perry, Bob Neill all stood up for their principles. There were others, but nowhere near enough.

Why are the moderate Tories so silent? Have they also had their backs broken as the constant WILL OF THE PEOPLE mantra shatters all political principles before it? Or are they reflecting the arithmetic? With May able to rely on support from the DUP and Labour supporters like Frank Field, Kate Hoey and Gisela Stuart, there is little point in rebelling. She's got the numbers. Maybe if things get tough later on and that support starts to slip away, they'll re-emerge. But for now, there is no moderate wing of the Conservative party. It is united in pursuing an extreme Brexit strategy.

"I personally shall be voting with my conscience content in this vote," Ken Clarke told the Commons last week. "When we see what unfolds hereafter as we leave the European Union I hope the consciences of other members of parliament may remain equally content."

That's a line historians may dwell on in the future, when they look back on this period. Parliament has been scared stiff in the face of cynical government wielding a popular mandate. In the moment when scrutiny was most needed, MPs threw up their hands and surrendered.

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