Friday, 4 August 2017

Politics at Friday lunch: Everywhere you look the impact of austerity is there to see

"We are, even in these times of austerity, one of the richest countries in the world" - Sir James Munby
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"There are occasions, and this is one, where doing 'right' includes speaking truth to power". These were the words of a senior family judge yesterday as he warned that the country would have "blood on its hands" if a teenage girl (named only as X) with mental health problems and at risk of suicide was not urgently found an NHS placement.
 
In his judgement, Sir James Munby wrote: "If this is the best we can do for X, and others in similar crisis, what right do we, what right do the system, our society and indeed the state itself, have to call ourselves civilised?" 
 
His comments are a damning indictment of a nation that is failing its most vulnerable citizens. The crisis in mental health care has been well documented. In January, Theresa May pledged that the government would do more to improve the situation, saying that "no parent should feel helpless when watching their child suffer." Yet more than six months on and it appears little has changed.
 
Her own party's austerity measures are to blame. Research by the King's Fund found that 40% of mental health trusts experienced reductions in income in 2013/14 and 2014/15, with the organisation stressing that there was "widespread evidence of poor quality care".
 
These are not surprising findings. If you make swinging cuts to a service it's likely to have negative repercussions. You only have to look at other public services to see the full impact that austerity is having. Give it a few months and the NHS winter crisis is almost certain to return. Every year we see the same thing. More people stuck on trolleys, longer waits in A&E, more pressure on staff, more distress for patients. And every year we hear the same old lines about an 'exceptionally high demand' and the 'need to improve'.

Then there's housing. Around 100,000 have been stuck on council waiting lists for five years or more. They're the lucky ones, others are not even accepted on to the list in the first place. Those turned away end up either at the mercy of private landlords who can turf them out or increase their rent at very little notice, or worse are forced to sleep on the streets. The number of rough sleepers in the UK has increased every year since 2010. You don't need a set of statistics to tell you this, you just have to take a walk around most towns. It's there in open view. The 'cardboard cities' of the 80s and 90s have been replaced by 'tent cities'. In woodlands, under bridges and behind shops, you'll see people grouped together in makeshift camps, trying to survive. 
 
Prisons are in an equally desperate state. Just this week the president of the Prison Governors Association warned that prisons were in crisis because of a "toxic mix" of pressures and that the Association had been left "devastated at the complete decline of our service". This came as yet another riot broke out behind bars. Youth prisons are no better. The chief inspector of prisons' recently found that not a single youth jail is safe to hold children.
 
It is not a coincidence that all these crises come after years of Tory austerity. They are a direct result of it. 
 
Sir James Munby's comments have drawn public attention back to mental health, just like the Grenfell Tower fire forced people to start talking about social housing. But what good is it, if with every changing news cycle these issues are put to one side until the next tragedy?
 
Ending austerity is not enough. These services need urgent investment. Britain needs more prison officers, more social housing, more mental health vacancies. Without it, it'll just be in the same grim situation next year. The year after, it'll be in a far worse one.

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Friday, 28 July 2017

Politics at Friday lunch: Corbyn's Brexit overshoot

"What there wouldn't be is wholesale importation of underpaid workers from Central Europe in order to destroy conditions" - Jeremy Corbyn
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By Chaminda Jayanetti
 
In one sense, Jeremy Corbyn's interview on the Andrew Marr show last Sunday didn't change anything.
 
He maintained Labour's position - which he stated during the election campaign - that leaving the EU meant leaving the single market.
 
He set out that free movement of people would end, and that Labour would clamp down on the use of migrant labour by employment agencies to undercut British workers - a party commitment dating back to Ed Miliband's leadership.
 
But the language was different.
 
"There would be European workers working in Britain and British workers working in Europe, as there are at the moment," Corbyn told Marr. "What there wouldn't be is wholesale importation of underpaid workers from Central Europe in order to destroy conditions, particularly in the construction industry."
 
For a lot of people, that's all they heard. They didn't hear him go on to point the finger at employment agencies, not migrants themselves: "What we wouldn't allow is this practice by agencies, who are quite disgraceful the way they do it - recruit a workforce, low paid, and bring them here in order to dismiss an existing workforce in the construction industry and pay them low wages."
 
But even some of those who did listen to or read the interview in full were alarmed. Until then, it had always been assumed - not unreasonably - that Corbyn's shadow cabinet colleagues had forced him to abandon free movement against his will.
 
But by using the language he chose - "wholesale importation", "destroy conditions" - he owned Labour's policy to end free movement of people. For the first time, Corbyn owned immigration cuts.
 
For a lot of people this won't have been remotely controversial - but Corbyn's most enthusiastic supporters have been young, radical left-wingers, often with backgrounds in or near the anarchist movements that sprung up around the anti-fees and anti-cuts campaigns of the early 2010s.
 
They are not the numerical bulk of his support, but they were his most passionate supporters when his leadership was at its lowest ebb last year, and they also bring plenty of the organisational and social media nous that were crucial in Labour's election campaign. They are his media outriders, and they pack a punch.
 
Many of them are ambiguous on Brexit - not keen on it, but not keen on the EU either, and repelled by the fervent anti-Brexit militancy of middle class pundits they feel did little to combat austerity.
 
But what they hate more than anything is anti-migrant politics.
 
Thus, Corbyn's comments brought criticism from unprecedented quarters - Novara, the heavily pro-Corbyn media site, broadcast a show where three of the four guests criticised his remarks; foreign policy writer David Wearing warned that "casting around for a socialist alibi for deferring to anti-immigration sentiment is entirely the wrong approach"; journalist Rachel Shabi (somewhat older than the 2010 generation) criticised his "divisive" rhetoric. Others voiced similar opinions.
 
What to make of this reaction?
 
Let's be clear - Corbyn's core support isn't about to ditch him. None of those mentioned are turning their backs on the Labour leader or the movement he represents. Corbyn has been a staunch supporter of migrant campaigns for years, regardless of their broader popularity. That gives him a significant 'trust surplus' on these matters - and most will accept that he meant to criticise the employment agencies, no matter how flawed his choice of language.
 
But should Corbyn repeat this rhetoric in future - which would represent an almost unthinkable departure from the politics of even his recent past - that could change. Corbyn overshot on Marr. He must be careful not to do so again.
 
As must Barry Gardiner, Labour's international trade secretary. Gardiner's article this week saying Britain must leave the single market and the customs union in order to deliver Brexit was astonishingly hardline, and sparked a more concrete backlash - including from Sir Keir Starmer and Emily Thornberry, if reports are to be believed, not to mention the swift disownment of his comments by Corbyn's press team.
 
In fact, it's been a week of two halves for Labour on Brexit - first, Corbyn and Gardiner taking a harder-edged approach; then John McDonnell and Diane Abbott suggesting single market membership was still on the table. Footage emerged of shadow cabinet member Andrew Gwynne hinting that Labour could even switch sides on Brexit if public opinion shifted against leaving.
 
Let's be blunt - this is bullshit. Everything Labour is saying about Brexit is bullshit. All the positioning, all the spinning, all the facing all different ways, is bullshit. Labour has no coherent policy on Brexit and it does not seem to care. Those who do care, such as Abbott and Starmer, are often divided.
 
Labour's leadership sees Brexit as a Tory problem and a Tory mess that Labour's one job is to profit from - if the country crashes on the Tories' watch, Labour gains. Tactical ambiguity is tactical bullshit. Because in politics, bullshit works.
 
One day Labour figures hint at a harder Brexit, the next it's a nod towards soft. Next week they'll be back to hard. Then something else. Labour's real Brexit policy is "yadda yadda yadda, who else you gonna vote for?"
 
They are betting on that being a question without an answer.

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Friday, 21 July 2017

Politics at Friday lunch: One step forward two steps back for women's equality

"You're an industry doing so well, soon you'll be able to afford a BBC man." - Emily Maitlis
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For those who care about equality for women, the week got off to a good start. Jodie Whittaker being cast as the first female Doctor Who was something to celebrate. It might just be one lead role in one programme but the symbolism of it showed progress.

By the middle of the week that jubilation had turned to anger when the BBC published a list of its highest paid stars. Just a third of its 96 top earners are women. We all know the gender pay gap exists - in the UK men are paid on average around 18% more than women - but to see it laid out so starkly was shocking nonetheless.

The best-paid female star at the BBC, Claudia Winklemen is paid around £500,000 a year, while top male earner Chris Evans receives around £2.2m. Clare Balding, a well-loved sports presenter was listed as earning between £150,999 - £199,999 a year compared to a whopping £1.75m - £1.79m paid to Match of the Day presenter Gary Linekar. Meanwhile newsreader Huw Edwards earns up to £599,000 a year, while the BBC's political editor Laura Kuenssberg receives £249,000.

The BBC is by no means the worse offender. Across all jobs at the Corporation the gender pay gap is 10%, significantly less than the national average. And it's also worth pointing out that the list doesn't distinguish between people whose pay is for multiple jobs and those who are paid for just one, so it isn't quite as clear cut as two people doing the same job for different pay. But there is no doubt that there's a problem that needs to be dealt with.

What has been amusing to watch over the last few days, is the outrage from sections of the press over the issue. While naming and shaming the big earners and criticising the BBC for the inequality in pay, most failed to mention the pay gap within their own organisations. A survey carried out last year by the City University London of 700 British journalists showed that nearly 50% of female journalists earned £2,400 or less a month compared with a third of men. Given their anger over the BBC list, I'm sure they are all now working really hard to get their own houses in order.

As the week draws to a close, the focus has moved from equal pay to women's reproductive rights. Boots has refused to reduce the price of the morning after pill in line with other retailers, for fear that it could be accused of "incentivising inappropriate use". What they mean by inappropriate is not clear. Is the company making a judgement on how often women should be allowed to use the drug.? Do they think once a year is too often? Once a month? Or perhaps they believe that if women know they can buy it for around £15 rather than £30 they will abandon all forms of regular contraception and rely only on the emergency option. Whatever the reason, the judgement is not theirs to make.

The British Pregnancy Advisory Service was right when it said the chemist's decision was "patronising and insulting". Their job is not to moralise and place barriers to access to the drug. Women do not need to be persuaded or dissuaded from using a particular contraception. We are more than capable of looking at the options available to use and making an informed choice of what is better for us at any particular time.

Perhaps the most surprising thing about this story though is that Boots say they receive "frequent" complaints from people who "voice their disapproval" that the company sells the morning after pill at all. So in 2017 there are still people who will take time out of their day to try to prevent women making their own decisions about their own bodies.

When it comes to women's rights, it seems for every step forward there is very often two steps back. From equal pay to reproductive rights women are still experiencing regular discrimination because of our gender. The fight for equality still has a long way to go.

Natalie Bloomer

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