Friday, 15 September 2017

Politics at Friday lunch: A zombie government with no ideas and no principles

"If ministers think a derisory rise like this will deal with the staffing crisis in our public services, they are sorely mistaken" - Frances O'Grady
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The government might stumble on, like some executive zombie, but it will do permanent damage to the careers of those associated with it. Take its three chief actions this week: Stuffing the repeal bill with ministerial powers, rigging the committee system and awarding a one per cent pay rise to police and prison staff.

Put aside the relative decency of the policies in and of themselves. They all share a specific quality: They do not do the thing they are presented as doing.

The repeal bill is supposed to return power from a shadowy technocratic Brussels and return it to parliament. In actual fact, it eradicates the scrutiny of law which takes place at the EU parliament, then carries those powers over the heads of MPs and hands them to ministers. It is against parliamentary scrutiny, not for it.

The committee motion whitewashes the general election result, by building in a government advantage to the mechanisms of parliament. The prime minister who went to the country banging on about the 'will of the people' now uses obscure political initiatives to ensure she doesn't have to recognise it.

The decision to award a limited public sector pay rise is presented as a move away from austerity, but the raise is below inflation, which came in at 2.9% this week, and will anyway use money from existing budgets - meaning there will have to be cuts to other parts of the service. This isn't an end to austerity, it's a demand that services change the area being hit. Politically, it is a classic self-harming fudge: You confuse the public about your approach to an issue and do nothing to neutralise your opponent.

In each case, we're reliably informed that people don't read enough detail to notice this stuff. You do, because you're the kind of person who visits specialist political websites. But your average voter just glances at a headline. Maybe. But polls suggest people now prize integrity above other values, such as strength. They want politicians to be genuine and stick to their convictions. Even without all the details of how a standing committee works, or what a statutory instrument is, they hear the mood music: of a government doing the opposite of what it says it is doing, of shady moves in late night votes, of small-print politics.

After all, there is no other story to tell. The government has no message, no purpose, no reason to exist except the muscle memory of wanting to remain in power. It's like hair growing on the scalp of a corpse. There is simply no political agenda at all, on education, or health, or social care, or the economy, or transport. On anything. Theresa May can't deliver it.

There is only Brexit. That is the sole function of government. But even here there is really no clarity. Philip Hammond is not working in the same government as Liam Fox in any meaningful way, no matter how many joint bylines they put out. There's no consistent Cabinet view on immigration or trade or customs or court jurisdiction or the withdrawal bill. The Fox-types clearly want some US-based, laissez-faire, low-standards, free market system detached from the EU. The Hammond-types clearly want some kind of bespoke EEA-type arrangement where the UK has equivalency with the Europeans in most of the economy. They don't agree on where they're going and they have no idea how to get there.

And then at the top is May. A prime minister without authority is like a chair with no legs. It can't fulfill its function. There is no use for it.

Ironically, she does actually have a vision for Britain. It is a mean, ignorant vision, but it is undeniably a vision. She just can't enforce it, because she has no authority. Even her allies in the Tory party scoffed when she said she'd continue. She is a political shield, held up by those who would replace her, whose only function is take the damage for an insane policy they refuse to deviate from.

On hard Brexit you either compromise, and are torn apart by the right-wing press at home, or you do not, and you are torn apart by the forces of reality abroad. There are no other options. So they allow her to stay as long as she is torn apart rather than them.

And that's how you get to where we are - a government with no policies, consciously implementing a grand act of national self-harm, whose only other actions are to try and stitch together a constitutional arrangement which allows them to prolong the cycle. The individual news stories might pass people by, but the drip-feed of nihilism and scheming self-interest which this government produces will make its mark. Those involved in it are unlikely to ever escape the reputation it earns them.

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Friday, 8 September 2017

Politics at Friday lunch: The likes of Jacob Rees-Mogg pick and choose their religious beliefs

"I'm a Catholic, I take the teaching of the Catholic church seriously." - Jacob Rees Mogg
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Depending on who you listened to this week, Jacob Rees-Mogg is either a principled man who is being hounded by the intolerant left or he's a narrow-minded bigot. 

When asked about his views on same-sex marriage and abortion, Rees-Mogg said that he supported the teaching of the Catholic church on marriage and that he was "completely opposed" to abortion, even if a woman had been raped.

While debate has raged for the rest of the week about whether his views rule him out as a possible future leader of the party, or indeed, the country, much less has been said about just how hypocritical his beliefs are.

If a politician is known to have a strong faith, it seems to be the done thing now to ask them about their views on abortion and same-sex marriage. But they are rarely asked about other religious teachings, like that on the treatment of the poor.

It's a subject the Catholic church has a lot to say about. In 2013, Pope Francis said: "Among our tasks as witnesses to the love of Christ is that of giving a voice to the cry of the poor." Perhaps Conservative supporting UK Catholics interpret this as meaning people in third-world countries, those starving or fleeing from war. After all, the UK doesn't have real poverty, does it?  

Only it does. And the Catholic church has not shied away from discussing it. Just take this comment from the Archbishop of Westminster Cardinal Vincent Nichols: 

"The administration of social assistance, I am told, has become more and more punitive. So if applicants don't get it right, then they have to wait. And they have to wait for ten days, for two weeks, with nothing – with nothing. And that's why the role of food banks has become so crucial for so many people in Britain today. And for a country of our affluence, that quite frankly is a disgrace." 

Or this statement from the official social action agency of the Catholic Church in England and Wales (CSAN): 

"Child benefit exists to provide for the basic needs of children; imposing limitations on the basis of family size will inevitably deprive children from larger families of essential support. It is important for the focus to remain on supporting children's health, nutrition and other fundamental requirements, rather than setting arbitrary limits which will not only penalise people for having children, but also disproportionately impact upon parents of larger families who have fallen into difficult financial circumstances."

In fact, a quick search of the Catholic Church in England and Wales website reveals numerous references to UK poverty, welfare reforms and other political issues. 

So, presumably Rees-Mogg follows these teachings as well as those on same-sex marriage and abortion.

Except, we know he doesn't.

The Conservative MP has voted in favour of the bedroom tax no less than 16 times. This is a policy which has been shown to drive people into hunger and debt. He has consistently voted against paying higher benefits over longer periods to those unable to work due to illness or disability, and has voted 52 times to reduce welfare benefits. The list goes on.

It is curious then that Rees-Mogg can't find it in himself to question his church's position on same-sex marriage and abortion but seems to have no trouble rejecting its messages and teachings about the poor.

Rees-Mogg is not a principled man, he is a man who picks and chooses his religious beliefs to suit him. 

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