Friday, 17 February 2017

Politics at Friday Lunch: The second coming of Tony Blair

"I don't know if we can succeed. But I do know we will suffer a rancorous verdict from future generations if we do not try." - Tony Blair
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The response to Tony Blair this morning was predictable. For the right, he was here to subvert the people's will. For the left, he was too compromised by Iraq to be able to articulate the Remain argument. The former prime minister has few friends left on either side of the political divide and the instant reaction of the media to any demand that Britain think again on Brexit is to smear and insult them. It was an unhappy and hostile arena he walked into.

But once he was on stage, it became easy to forget all that. His occasional appearances remind you of how quickly the presentational standards of British politics deteriorated after he left Downing Street. Gordon Brown was Gordon Brown and had his own demons. David Cameron always felt like a pound-shop version of Blair. Theresa May is hesitant, robotic and trades in plainly meaningless language.  

There is simply no-one like Blair in politics. Within the first two minutes he had made a clearer, more consistent, emotionally engaging argument against Brexit than any other figure had managed in the months since the vote. It was a rational argument, listing clearly and in simple language the damage that was about to be inflicted on the country. It was highly intelligent, while still perfectly comprehensible to anyone. It did not talk down to its audience, but nor did it alienate them. It used striking and readily understandable visual imagery. 

It left you in no doubt as to the speaker's position, unlike the 'constructive ambiguity' of May or the shambolic intellectual absence of Jeremy Corbyn. It did not try to sidestep difficult issues, as Cameron had on immigration during the referendum. It was the product of a speech writing team which had stress tested arguments and war gamed responses. It dealt with visions of Britain's role in the world in a way that felt credible and desirable, rather than dreamlike and self-interested. It was an excellent speech and probably his best since the Labour conference speech following September 11th attacks in 2001.

None of this is easy to say. I opposed much of what Blair did in power, including, most tragically and appallingly, on Iraq, but also on civil liberties. Many of the criticisms of him are fair. Perhaps if EU expansion had been handled more cautiously, tensions over immigration would not be so high now. Perhaps if the left had not given up on economic arguments under Blair, parts of the working class would not now be drifting off to authoritarian nationalism. Perhaps if he had not broken the bond of public trust over Iraq, people would have believed the warnings which were issued during the referendum campaign.

But these are concerns about the past, not the present. In the present, the situation is this: Expansion, left-wing intellectual failure and Iraq happened. Now Brexit is happening. We must address the threat to the left which we are seeing now, not the ones which took place decades ago.

The timetable the prime minister has set for what she is trying to do is impossible. She has promised the world but shown no signs of how she will deliver it. There is now a strong chance that talks in Europe will break down, probably sometime between spring and autumn 2018. If that happens, the cliff edge becomes real. It constitutes the biggest threat to British living standards this country has seen since the war. And what happens when that takes place? What story will people be told? That the dastardly Europeans have tried to punish us. They are already laying the groundwork for that narrative now. Those bloody Germans. They've always resented us since we beat them and now they're taking revenge. It is as stupid a story as anyone has ever told, but it will be the core emotional message of the Brexit press campaign, enthusiastically promoted by Downing Street. And what the press writes becomes part of the political mood music of the broadcasters, as if by osmosis.

Who will be telling a story to counter it? Corbyn, the human vacuum? A man who stopped thinking sometime in the 70s and hasn't noticed yet? A man content to let this process take place in the magical belief that it somehow ends in a socialist utopia? Not likely. Or one of the centrist Labour figures? The so-called moderates, who seem more concerned with proving to voters that they're tough on immigration than trying to keep in check the suicidal economic policies which stem from that promise. Not likely either. Tim Farron has done what he can for the Lib Dems but he does not have the standing or the infrastructure. The SNP speak only for Scotland. By their own agenda, they cannot represent the country.

There will only be the Brexit message – simple, emotionally compelling and spread by a well-oiled media infrastructure. 'The foreigners screwed us.'

That's why the most important job of those who do not agree with what is happening is to work towards telling an alternative story in that crucial period. It will be a story based on facts – yes, facts, they still matter, as long as they are fitted into a compelling message. It will appeal to people's irreducible concern with the money in their pocket. Even now, in the midst of this daily hysteria, people are rational about the money in their pocket and they will continue to be. That is still where political debates are won and lost.

So if not Blair, then who? There is no-one. The adults have left. The former Labour leader plainly intends to create a shadow opposition, basically undertaking the media work the official opposition has chosen not to do - the hard, daily grind of refutation and argument. Someone had to do it and they had to do it now. Blair is the one prepared to face the abuse it entails. Like it or not, he just became the most important person in British politics again.

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Sunday, 12 February 2017

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Friday, 10 February 2017

Politics at Friday Lunch

"When we see what unfolds hereafter as we leave the European Union I hope the consciences of other members of parliament may remain equally content." - Ken Clarke
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"History will not be kind to this parliament," Tory rebel Anna Soubry told the Commons last week during the Article 50 debate, "nor to the government I served in."

It was hard to disagree. The story of this week, as the bill went to committee stage, was of a parliament which had been given teeth by the judiciary, only to meekly remove them one-by-one and give the executive a free pass on the single most important policy of the post-war years.

Wave after wave of amendments crashed against the government rocks. None survived. The Article 50 bill was left unamended when it went to the Lords. Now unelected peers will struggle to find the confidence to take a stand on a matter which their elected cousins were unwilling to.

Every attempt to limit the executive was rejected: there would be no impact assessments, no meaningful parliamentary vote on the final deal, no formal consideration of the views of the devolved assemblies, no membership of the single market, no guarantees of rights for EU nationals, no delivery on the Leave campaign's NHS promise. Historians will look back aghast at the parliamentarians who were too petrified to fulfil their democratic function of holding the government to account.

Jeremy Corbyn's response to the crisis was a master class in ineptitude. There was almost a kind of beauty in how thoroughly he messed it up. He was at once cynical and naive, arrogant and timid. The imposition of a three-line whip was appalling. Many Labour MPs were weighing up impossible choices. They wanted to respect the public vote but many represented strongly Remain constituencies. Others had to square their support for the public vote with the fact they personally disagreed with it. Some wanted to back the bill but on condition of amendments, meaning they would vote for it at second reading then potentially against at third reading if those amendments had not succeeded.

Corbyn's three-line whip allowed for none of these subtleties. There were warm words about understanding his MPs' difficult positions but a three line whip with kind words functions the same way as a three line whip with cold ones: front benchers have to resign if they don't follow it. And so they did. Corbyn lost some early on, like Dawn Butler. Others he lost after the failure of the amendments, like Clive Lewis, who is widely expected to run for the leadership on a 'left-wing-but-not-barmy' ticket if a space opens up.

Corbyn didn't have to impose that three line whip on a matter of conscience. Doing so did little to get the bill through – most Labour MPs would have backed it anyway. It was against his own strategic interest, because it jettisoned people he could scarcely afford to lose – including a potential leadership challenger. And it was against the instincts of those members who elected him because of his proud history of principled votes against the party line. It made no sense on any level, except that of a party terrified into acquiescence on a decision which the majority of its members and voters opposed.

Much of the criticism has focused on Labour, but the silence of moderate Tories was deafening. Once upon a time there was supposed to be a rump of 40 or so MPs prepared to rebel over the single market or an unrealistic exit strategy. These were supposed to be the wise old Tories, the grey hairs who understood the Brexit mandate but wouldn't support a plan unless it had recognised the economic pitfalls of undue haste. Now they were nowhere to be seen.

Exceptions existed. Soubry was magnificent, openly and publicly struggling with the compromises she was having to make. Ken Clarke, Heidi Allen, Andrew Tyrie, Claire Perry, Bob Neill all stood up for their principles. There were others, but nowhere near enough.

Why are the moderate Tories so silent? Have they also had their backs broken as the constant WILL OF THE PEOPLE mantra shatters all political principles before it? Or are they reflecting the arithmetic? With May able to rely on support from the DUP and Labour supporters like Frank Field, Kate Hoey and Gisela Stuart, there is little point in rebelling. She's got the numbers. Maybe if things get tough later on and that support starts to slip away, they'll re-emerge. But for now, there is no moderate wing of the Conservative party. It is united in pursuing an extreme Brexit strategy.

"I personally shall be voting with my conscience content in this vote," Ken Clarke told the Commons last week. "When we see what unfolds hereafter as we leave the European Union I hope the consciences of other members of parliament may remain equally content."

That's a line historians may dwell on in the future, when they look back on this period. Parliament has been scared stiff in the face of cynical government wielding a popular mandate. In the moment when scrutiny was most needed, MPs threw up their hands and surrendered.

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Friday, 3 February 2017

Politics at Friday lunch: Prepare yourself for disaster

"The United States is responsible for the United States' policy on refugees" - Theresa May
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Theresa May was probably feeling pretty buoyant when she got on the plane from Turkey to London. She'd managed to secure her alliance with the new US president and kept alive her hopes of a politically-convenient US trade deal, while simultaneously issuing sufficient criticism to protect her from critics of Donald Trump back home. When she got on the plane, her trip appeared a success.

By the time it touched down in London late on Saturday evening, things had changed. Trump's order of a Muslim ban at US airports was causing escalating panic and outrage. Suddenly it seemed to apply not just to the citizens of the seven countries he'd picked, but also dual passport holders and possibly even anyone born in those countries, regardless of passport. That, of course, included British citizens.

Suddenly May's repeated 'US foreign policy is for the US' mantra looked cowardly and slow-witted. Her team went into panic mode, issuing a slightly tougher statement around midnight on Saturday night. You should treat Downing Street statements like phone calls: if they come in the dead of night, it means something is wrong.

The early part of the week was a test study in how May's team responds to a political crisis. It is their first big crisis. Given how complex and treacherous the negotiations in Brussels will be, it will not be the last, so this was a useful instruction in how they would perform.

First they said they would check to see if the ban affected Brits. Then they returned to say it didn't. Then official advice said it probably did. Then they said again it didn't. Then they blamed the invitation for a Trump state visit on the state visit committee, which may or may not exist. Then it turned out that might mean the royal visit committee, which does exist but wasn't responsible. Then they confirmed that actually the invitation had come from Downing Street. And that was just Monday. They were a shambles, protected from political bloodletting only by the even-greater shambles that is the official opposition.

On Wednesday, Jeremy Corbyn asked May about the Trump visit during PMQs. Had Trump told her he was planning this when she was speaking to him hours beforehand? What did she know and when? It seemed like for once we'd get some decent forensic questioning from the Labour leader. May had clearly prepped for it. The answer was no, he hadn't mentioned it.

Corbyn is congenitally unable to think on his feet, so the debate got away from him and May delivered a thumping. But her answer was remarkable. Just a week before, again at PMQs, she had been telling him that she could speak frankly with the US because she made sure the special relationship worked. Now here she was admitting the new president had not even bothered to tell her he was about to pass an order banning thousands of Brits from the US within hours of their meeting. Or, if the British exemption had always been planned, that it existed. For all May's fawning, Trump clearly did not respect her enough to inform her of this not-insignificant policy. And in exchange? In exchange she'd offered him the highest honour she had in her power to impart.

On every level, she had made her own life harder. And then, when the disaster struck, she proved unable to deal with it. She was so cowardly she failed to condemn the ban on its own terms, so slow-witted she couldn't see how it might affect British citizens, so eager for a trade deal she created a clear channel for British anti-Trump outrage to be directed at her, and so inept at media management that the row turned her trip into a disaster.

Then, days later, the Commons voted on the second reading of the Article 50 bill, itself a result of her being forced into consulting parliament following a defeat in the high and supreme court. On Thursday, as a result of yet another U-turn (she averages several a week) the government published a white paper on Brexit. White was the correct word for it, although blank would also do. 

It contained precious few ideas for how she would fulfill all her promises: ending free movement while keeping all the good bits of the customs union and single market membership, ending European Court of Justice jurisdiction while keeping the privileges of the system it orders, and eradicating any EU payments despite European claims that that will scupper any talks before they've even started.

That is what the next two years entail. It is a task so daunting Churchill himself would have struggled to achieve it. Given her performance over the last week, we should prepare for disaster. 

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